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Mor lam

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A khene player in Isan

Mor lam (Lao: ໝໍລຳ; Isan: หมอลำ [mɔ̌ː lám]; Thai: หมอลำ, RTGSmo lam, [mɔ̌ː lām]) is a traditional Lao form of song in Laos and Isan. Mor lam means 'expert song', or 'expert singer', referring to the music or artist respectively. Other romanisations used include mor lum, maw lam, maw lum, moh lam, mhor lum, and molum. In Laos, the music is known simply as lam (ລຳ); mor lam (ໝໍລຳ) refers to the singer.

The characteristic feature of lam singing is the use of a flexible melody tailored to the tones of the words in the text. Traditionally, the tune was developed by the singer as an interpretation of a klon poem and accompanied primarily by the khene (a free reed mouth organ). The modern form is frequently composed and uses electrified instruments. Traditional forms (and some Lao genres) use a slower tempo than the quicker tempo and faster deliveries of more modern lam music. Strong rhythmic accompaniments, vocal leaps, and a conversational style of singing distinguish lam from American rap.

Typically featuring a theme of unrequited love, mor lam often reflects the difficulties of life in rural Isan and Laos, leavened with wry humor. In its heartland, performances are an essential part of festivals and ceremonies. Lam has gained a profile outside its native regions from the spread of migrant workers, for whom it remains an important cultural link with home.

Appellation

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In Laos, the traditional folk music is referred to as ລຳ, lam /lám/, which refers to both the verb and noun 'dance', and is in general use in the central and southern areas of the country. In northern Laos, the regional folk music styles are referred to as ຂັບ, khap /kʰáp/, and signifies 'to sing' or a 'song'. The Lao-speaking people across the river in Isan call the music หมอลำ, mo lam, /mɔ̌ː lám/, which refers to both the singer and the musical style, while in Laos, the equivalent term ໝໍລຳ, molam /mɔ̌ː lám/, only refers to the singer. Lao ໝໍ and Isan หมอ, both mo /mɔ̌ː/, (as well as Thai หมอ, mo /mɔ̌ː/) refers specifically to an 'expert', 'shaman', or 'doctor'. The northern Lao terms ขับ, khap /kʰáp/ and mokhap /mɔ̌ː kʰáp/, are not used in Isan, but are likely still used in some Lao-speaking parts of Loei, Uttaradit, and Phitsanulok that were settled by people originally from northern Laos, however, khap is understood as a rarer word for 'to sing' or 'song' and in reference to specifically northern styles of lam. Northern Lao areas refer to the khène/khaen player as the mokhène/mokhaen just as in the rest of Laos and Isan.

In standard Thai, the music and the singer, as adopted from Isan usage, is also known as หมอลำ, molam, but because of the tone differences is generally pronounced /mɔ̌ː làm/. It is also common to "correct" or "translate" the Isan term into standard Thai as หมอรำ, mo ram /mɔ̌ː ram/, as Thai รำ, ram /ram/, is cognate to Lao ລຳ and Isan ลำ and shares the same meaning. Although Thai ขับ khap /kʰàp/ is cognate to Lao ຂັບ and Isan ขับ, it only refers to the verb 'to sing' in Thai and is a rather archaic, poetic word and would generally be confused with the homonym ขับ which means 'to drive' (a vehicle), 'to drive away' or 'to expel'. Thus, the northern Lao forms are almost unknown in standard Thai media references to Lao and Isan folk music.

Instrumentation

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The xo ou (BGN/PCGN)/so u (RTGS), the low-pitched fiddles common in some styles of lam from southern Laos and most of northeastern Thailand.

As the lowland areas of Laos and Isan are essentially one shared cultural region of Lao people, few differences, especially at its most traditional level, are present to distinguish traditional forms on either side. Throughout the Lao-speaking heartlands, the only accompaniment to performances of khap and lam was the local free reed mouth-organ, the khène (BGN/PCGN)/khaen (RTGS). Similar in many ways to the function of the bagpipe in the Scottish Highlands, the khène/khaen provides not only the melody but can also be used to provide a drone as it is played with circular breathing. So important is the khène/khaen in Lao music, the instrument even came to be used in the Lao classical music ensemble known as sép noy (BGN/PCGN)/sep noi (RTGS), where most of the instruments are influenced by the veneer of Indian musical traditions as well as classical musical traditions of neighboring Thailand, Cambodia, and Java.[1]

A lanat ék/ranat ék (BGN/PCGN)/ranat ek (RTGS), a xylophone used in some varieties of khap and lam. The many types of lanat/ranat are also used in classical Lao music.

In lam styles of central and southern Laos and most of Isan, traditional performances often included ensembles. Most northern khap styles relied solely on the khène/khaen, except for a few styles, such as those from Luang Phrabang, many of which were adaptations of the local classical music traditions as the city was the seat of the Lao monarchy until its forced abdication in 1975.[1] The southern lam styles, heavily influenced by the ancient musical traditions of the Mon-Khmer peoples, such as the Mon, Khmer, Kuy and Bru that either were the former inhabitants or continue to live amongst the Tai peoples that now make up the majority in the Lao-speaking region.[1]

Most modern styles, including the northern khap varieties, are generally heard with ensembles consisting of a mixture of Western instruments and traditional ones. Contemporary ensembles often feature electric guitars, drum sets, bass guitars, accordions, saxophones, violins, and keyboards set to sound like the 1960s Farsifa organs or set to provide equivalents of native instruments.

Traditional instruments in mor lam/lam Lao
Lao
BGN/PCGN
Lao Thai
RTGS
Isan Thai Description
pi ປີ່ /pīː/ pi ปี่ /píː/ ปี่ /pìː/ Class of four-reed oboes.
vôt ໂຫວດ /wȍːt/ wot โหวด /wòːt/ โหวด /wòːt/ A circular panpipe.
khouy ຂຸ່ຍ/ຂຸ່ຽ /kʰūj/ khlui ขลุ่ย /kʰūj/ ขลุ่ย /klùj/ Class of reedless, single- or double-reed flutes.
hun/hune ຫືນ /hɯ̌ːn/ chongnong หืน /hɯ̌ːn/ (RTGS huen) จ้องหน่อง /tɕɔ̂ŋ nɔ̀ŋ/ Bamboo Jew's harp or jaw harp
chakhé ຈະເຂ້ /tɕáʔ kʰȅː/ chakhe จะเข้ /tɕǎʔ kʰèː/ จะเข้ /tɕàʔ kʰê/ A type of zither.
xo ຊໍ /sɔ́ː/ so ซอ /sɔ᷇ː/ ซอ /sɔ̄ː/ Class of fiddle instruments. Most common is the xo ou/so u ຊໍອູ້/ซออู้ /sɔ́ː ʔûː/ or Thai /sɔ̄ː ʔûː/ and the xo i/so i ຊໍອີ/ซออี /sɔ́ː ʔìː/ (RTGS so i), known in Thai as the ซอด้วง /sɔː dûaŋ/.
hai xong ໄຫຊອງ /hăj sɔ́ːŋ/ hai song ไหซอง /hăj sɔ᷇ːŋ/ ไหซอง /hăj sɔ̄ːŋ/ Series of different sized earthenware jugs with a taught string over its mouth which are plucked or struck. Traditional lam performances often feature a female dancer that pretends to play the hai xong/hai song.
kachappi ກະຈັບປີ່ /káʔ tɕáp pīː/ krachappi กระจับปี่ /kǎʔ tɕǎp píː/ กระจับปี่ /kràʔ tɕàp pìː/ A two-stringed, four-coursed lute no longer commonly used.
sing ສິ່ງ /sīŋ/ ching ฉิ่ง /sīŋ/ ฉิ่ง /tɕʰìŋ/ Cymbal-like instrument used for tempo.
xap ຊາບ /sȃːp/ chap ฉาบ /sàːp/ ฉาบ /tɕʰàːp/ Cymbal-like instrument used for tempo but attached with a chord.
phin ພິນ /pʰín/ phin พิณ /pʰi᷇n/ พิณ /pʰīn/ A small mandolin that is plucked with the other hand unique to Lao/Isan music.
khim ຂິມ /kʰǐm/ khim ขิม /kʰǐm/ ขิม /kʰǐm/ A hammered dulcimer adopted from Chinese music, but has a distinctly local, softer sound, often used in styles descended from Lao classical music.
kap ກັບ /káp/ krap กรับ /kǎp/ กรับ /kràp/ A wooden clapper used to keep the tempo. Also known in Lao as ໄມ້ໂປກແປກ/ไม้โป๊กแป๊ก mai pôkpèk (BGN/PCGN)/mai pokpaek (RTGS) /mâj pȍːk pɛ̏ːk/ or Thai ไม้โป๊กแป๊ก /máj póːk pɛ́ːk/ and takes its name from the onomatopoeia for striking wood with a hammer.
khong ຄ້ອງ /kʰɔ̑ːŋ/ khong ฆ้อง /kʰɔ̑ːŋ/ ฆ้อง /kʰɔ́ːŋ/ A class of small, handheld gong instruments.
khong wong ຄ້ອງວົງ /kʰɔ̑ːŋ wóŋ/ khong wong ฆ้องวง /kʰɔ̂ːŋ wo᷇ŋ/ ฆ้องวง /kʰɔ́ːŋ wōŋ/ Similar to a gamelan, consists of a set of gongs struck with mallets, used in styles of khap and lam adapted from Lao classical music. Usually the khong vông gnai (BGN/PCGN)/khong wong yai (RTGS) and khong vông noy/khong wong noi, or 'large khong vông' or 'small khong vông,' respectively.
kong ກອງ /kɔ̀ːŋ/ klong กลอง /kɔ̄ːŋ/ กลอง /klɔ̄ːŋ/ Refers to a class of various drums.
ranat/lanat ຣະນາດ/ລະນາດ /lāʔ nȃːt/ ranat ระนาด /làʔ nâːt/ ระนาด /ráʔ nâːt/ A class of xylophone instruments, including the famous pônglang (BGN/PCGN)/ponglang (RTGS) of Isan.
mai ngop ngèp ໄມ້ງອບແງບ /mȃj ŋɔ̑ːp ŋɛ̑ːp/ mai ngop ngaep ไม้งอบแงบ /mȃj ŋɔ̑ːp ŋɛ̑ːp/ ไม้งอบแงบ /máj ŋɔ̂ːp ŋɛ̂ːp/ A clapper of southern Laos but also contains notched grooves that function like the güiro of Latin America.
pông ໂປງ /pòːŋ/ pong โปง /pōːŋ/ โปง /pōːŋ/ A bamboo rattle used as a cowbell by farmers for domestic cattle and water buffalo.
ko ເກາະ /kɔ́ʔ/ kro เกราะ /kɔ̌ʔ/ เกราะ /krɔ̀ʔ/ A small bamboo section of hollow bamboo with a slit cut on one side, struck with a stick. Originally used to call the cattle or water buffalo back from the pastures.
sakmong ສາກມອງ /sȁːk mɔ́ːŋ/ krong สากมอง /sàːk mɔ᷇ːŋ/ (RTGS sakmong) โกร่ง /kròːŋ/ A large bamboo pestle used for husking or milling rice, played by stamping the floor but can also be tapped with sticks to maintain the beat, also used to keep rowers in long boats in unison.

History

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Morlam had its birth in the Lao heartlands of Laos, where it remains a popular art form. Although its precursors probably lie in the musical traditions of the historical Tai tribes that migrated south from China and northern Vietnam, much cross-pollination with indigenous music of the region as well as importation of Chinese, Mon-Khmer, Indian, and Malay influences, has also had a pronounced effect on the dances, instrumentation, and melodies of mor lam.

In his Traditional Music of the Lao, Terry Miller identifies five factors which helped to produce the various genres of lam in Isan: animism, Buddhism, story telling, ritual courtship and male-female competitive folksongs; these are exemplified by lam phi fa, an nangsue, lam phuen and lam gon (for the last two factors) respectively.[2] Of these, lam phi fa and lam phuen are probably the oldest, while it was mor lam gon which was the principal ancestor of the commercial mor lam performed today.

In the late 18th and 19th centuries, the music of Laos began to spread into the Thai heartland, extending Lao influence to Siam. Forced population transfers from Laos into the newly acquired region of Isan and what is now Central Thailand accelerated the rapid adoption of mor lam. Even King Mongkut's vice-king Pinklao became enamoured of it. But in 1857,[3] following the vice-king's death, Mongkut banned public performances, citing the threat it posed to Thai culture and its alleged role in causing a drought.[4] Performance of mor lam thereafter was a largely local affair, confined to events such as festivals in Isan and Laos. However, as Isan people began to migrate throughout the rest of the country, the music came with them. The first major mor lam performance of the 20th century in Bangkok took place at the Rajadamnern Stadium in 1946.[5] Even then, the number of migrant workers from Isan was fairly small, and mor lam was paid little attention by the outside world.

In the 1950s and 1960s, there were attempts in both Thailand and Laos to appropriate lam for political purposes. The USIS in Thailand and both sides in the Laotian Civil War (the "Secret War") recruited mor lam singers to insert propaganda into their performances, in hopes persuading the rural population to support their cause. The Thai attempt was unsuccessful, taking insufficient account of performers' practices and the audiences' demands, but it was more successful in Laos. The victorious Communists continued to maintain a propaganda troupe even after seizing power in 1975.[6]

Mor lam started to spread in Thailand in the late-1970s and early-1980s, when more and more people left rural Isan to seek work. Mor lam performers began to appear on television, led by Banyen Rakgaen, and the music soon gained a national profile. It remains an important link to home for Isan migrants in the capital city, where mor lam clubs and karaoke bars are meeting places for those newly arrived.

Contemporary mor lam is very different from that of previous generations. None of the traditional Isan genres is commonly performed today; instead singers perform three-minute songs combining lam segments with luk thung[7] or pop style sections, while comedians perform skits between blocks of songs. Mor lam sing performances typically consist of medleys of luk thung and lam songs, with electric instruments dominant and bawdy repartee. Sing comes from the English word 'racing' (a reference to the music's origin among Isan's biker fraternity; pai sing means 'to go racing about on motorbikes').[8]

Lam in Laos has remained more conservative, and traditional styles are maintained, but massive exposure to Thai media and culture has led to increasing influence and the adoption of the more modern and popular Isan styles.

Criticism

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Thai academic Prayut Wannaudom has argued that modern mor lam is increasingly sexualised and lacking in the moral teachings which it traditionally conveyed, and that commercial pressures encourage rapid production and imitation rather than quality and originality. On the other hand, these adaptations have allowed mor lam not only to survive, but itself spread into the rest of Thailand and internationally, validating Isan and Lao culture and providing role-models for the young.[9]

Professor Charles F. Keyes argues for the value of the ancient forms as geomythology: "The Thai-Lao people of northeastern Thailand have a well-developed tradition of 'legends' (nithān) which has been perpetuated in past through the media of folk opera ... known as mō lam mū ... no small number record[ing] events which happened 'long ago' on the Khorat Plateau... [N]ot historical accounts, they are not totally lacking in historical value. A number ... make reference to places which can be identified as being the sites of the ancient towns.... [T]he literature of the region has yet to be fully inventoried, much less analyzed", and adds in a footnote: "Unfortunately, most of these publications have had little circulation outside of the folk opera troupes for which they were intended." He next comments on five toponyms mentioned in the myth of Phadaeng and Nang Ai,[10] and compares these with those in the "Accounts of Fā Dāēet-Song Yāng".[11]

Forms

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There are many forms of mor lam. There can be no definitive list as they are not mutually exclusive, while some forms are confined to particular localities or have different names in different regions. Typically the categorisation is by region in Laos and by genre in Isan, although both styles are popular in the other region. The traditional forms of Isan are historically important, but are now rarely heard:

  • lam phi fa (ລຳຜີຟ້າ, ลำผีฟ้า, IPA: [lám pʰǐː fâː]) — a ritual to propitiate spirits in cases of possession. Musically it derived from lam tang yao; however, it was performed not by trained musicians but by those (most commonly old women) who thought themselves to have been cured by the ritual.[12]
  • mor lam kon (ໝໍລຳກອນ, หมอลำกลอน, IPA: [mɔ̌ː.lám kɔ̀ːn]) — a vocal "battle" between the sexes. In Laos it is known as lam tat. Performances traditionally lasted all night, and consisted of first two, then three parts:
    • lam tang san (ລຳທາງສ້ັນ, ลำทางสั้น, IPA: [lám tʰáːŋ sān]) — ("short form") took up the bulk of the time, with the singers delivering gon poems a few minutes in length, performing alternately for about half an hour each from evening until about an hour before dawn. They would pretend gradually to fall in love, sometimes with rather explicit sexual banter.
    • lam tang nyao (ລຳທາງຍາວ, ลำทางยาว, IPA: [lám tʰáːŋ ɲáːw]) — ("long form"), a representation of the lovers' parting performed slowly and in a speech rhythm for about a quarter of an hour.
    • lam toei (ລຳເຕີ້ຍ, ลำเต้ย, IPA: [lám tɤ̂j]) — was introduced in the mid-20th century. Similar in length to the lam tang nyao, it is fast and light-hearted, with metrical texts falling into three categories: toei thammada ("normal toei"), using gon texts in Isan; toei Phama ("Burmese toei"), using central or northern Thai texts and forms; and toei Khong ("Mekong toei"), again central or northern Thai in origin. It uses the same scale as lam yao.[13]
  • lam chotkae or lam chot (ລຳໂຈດແກ້, ลำโจทย์แก้, IPA: IPA: [lám tɕòːt.kɛ̂ː] or ລຳໂຈທຍ໌, ลำโจทย์, IPA: [lám.tɕòːt]) is a variant of lam kon formerly popular in the Khon Kaen area, in which the singers (often both male) asked one another questions on general knowledge topics — religion, geography, history etc. — trying to catch out their opponent.
  • mor lam mu (ໝໍລຳໝູ່, หมอลำหมู่, IPA: [mɔ̌ː.lám mūː]) — folk opera, developed in the mid-20th century. Lam mu is visually similar to central Thai likay, but the subject matter (mainly Jataka stories) derived from lam rueang (the subgenre of lam phuen) and the music from lam tang nyao. It was originally more serious than lam plern and required more skilled performers, but in the late-20th century the two converged to a style strongly influenced by central Thai and Western popular music and dance. Both have now declined in popularity and are now rare.[14]
  • mor lam phoen (ໝໍລຳເພີນ, หมอลำเพลิน, IPA: [mɔ̌ː.lám pʰɤ́ːn]) — a celebratory narrative, performed by a group. It originated around the same time as lam mu, but used a more populist blend of song and dance. The material consisted of metrical verses sung in the yao scale, often with a speech-rhythm introduction.[14]
  • lam phuen (ລຳພື້ນ, ลำพื้น, IPA: [lám.pʰɯ̂ːn]) — recital of local legends or Jataka stories, usually by a male singer, with khene accompaniment. In the sub-genre of lam rueang (ລຳເຣື່ອງ, ลำเรื่อง, IPA: [lám.rɯ̄aŋ]), sometimes performed by women, the singer acts out the various characters in costume. Performance of one complete story can last for one or two whole nights. This genre is now extremely rare, and may be extinct.[5]

Regional styles

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Mor lam performance-the men are playing the khene and wearing pha sarong

Isan has regional styles, but these are styles of performance rather than separate genres. The most important of the styles were Khon Kaen and Ubon, each taking their cue from the dominant form of lam gon in their area: the lam jotgae of Khon Kaen, with its role of displaying and passing on knowledge in various fields, led to a choppy, recitative-style delivery, while the love stories of Ubon promoted a slower and more fluent style. In the latter half of the 20th century the Ubon style came to dominate; the adaptation of Khon Kaen material to imitate the Ubon style was sometimes called the Chaiyaphum style.[15]

The Lao regional styles are divided into the southern and central styles (lam) and the northern styles (khap). The northern styles are more distinct as the terrain of northern Laos has made communications there particularly difficult, while in southern and central Laos cross-fertilisation has been much easier. Northern Lao singers typically perform only one style, but those in the south can often perform several regional styles as well as some genres imported from Isan.[16]

The main Lao styles are:[17]

  • Lam Sithandone (ລຳສີທັນດອນ, ลำสีทันดร) (also called Lam Si Pan Don [ລຳສີພັນດອນ, ลำสีพันดอน]), from Champassak is similar in style to the lam gon of Ubon. It is accompanied by a solo khene, playing in a san mode, while the vocal line shifts between san and yao scales. The rhythm of the vocal line is also indeterminate, beginning in speech rhythm and shifting to a metrical rhythm.
  • Lam Som (Lao: ລຳຊອມ, Thai: ลําซอม) is rarely performed and may now be extinct. From Champassak, the style is hexatonic, using the yao scale plus a supertonic C, making a scale of A-B-C-D-E-G. It uses speech rhythm in the vocal line, with a slow solo khene accompaniment in meter. It is similar to Isan's lam phuen. Both Lam Som and Lam Sithandone lack the descending shape of the vocal line used in the other southern Lao styles.
  • Lam Khon Savane (ລຳຄອນສະຫວັນ, ลำคอนสะหวัน, IPA: [lám kʰɔ́ːn.sā.wǎn]) from Savannakhet is one of the most widespread genres. It uses the san scale, with a descending vocal line over a more rigidly metrical ensemble accompaniment. Lam Ban Xoc (ລຳບ້ານຊອກ, ลำบ้านซอก, IPA: [lám bâːn.sɔ̂ːk]) and Lam Mahaxay (ລຳມະຫາໄຊ, มหาไซ, IPA: [lám mā.hǎː sáj]) are musically very similar, but Ban Xoc is usually performed only on ceremonial occasions while Mahaxay is distinguished by a long high note preceding each descent of the vocal line.
  • Lam Phu Thai (ລຳຜູ້ໄທ, ลำผู้ไท, IPA: [lám pʰȕː tʰáj]) uses the yao scale, with a descending vocal line and ensemble accompaniment in meter.
  • Lam Tang Vay (ລຳຕັງຫວາຍ, ลำตังหวาย, IPA: [lám tàŋ.wǎːj]) is a Lao version of Mon-Khmer music, with a descending ensemble accompaniment.
  • Lam Saravane (ລຳສາລະວັນ, ลำสาละวัน [ลำสุวรรณ], IPA: [lám sǎː.lā.wán]) is also of Mon-Khmer origin. It uses the yao scale. The descending vocal line is in speech rhythm, while the khene and drum accompaniment is in meter.
  • Khap Thum Luang Phrabang (ຂັບທຸ້ມຫລວງພະບາງ, ขับทุ้มหลวงพระบาง, IPA: [kʰáp tʰȕm lǔa̯ŋ.pʰā(ʔ).bàːŋ]) is related to the court music of Luang Phrabang, but transformed into a folk-song style. The singer and audience alternately sing lines to a set melody, accompanied by an ensemble.
  • Khap Xieng Khouang (ຂັບຊຽງຂວາງ, ขับเซียงขวาง, IPA: [kʰáp síaŋ.kʰwǎːŋ]) also called Khap Phuan (ຂັບພວນ, ขับพวน) uses the yao scale and is typically sung metrically by male singers and non-metrically by women.
  • Khap Ngeum (ຂັບງຶມ, ขับงึม, IPA: [kʰáp.ŋɯ́m]) uses the yao scale. It alternates declaimed line from the singer and non-metrical khene passages, at a pace slow enough to allow improvisation.
  • Khap Xam Neua (ຂັບຊຳເໜຶອ, ขับซำเหนือ, IPA: [kʰáp sám nɯ̌a]) uses the yao scale. Singers are accompanied by a solo khene, declaiming lines each ending in a cadence.
  • Khap Tai Dam (ຂັບໄທດຳ, ขับไทดำ, IPA: [kʰáp tʰáj.dām]) used for Tai dam people.

Below is a comparative table of regional mor lam styles, sourced from Compton (1979).

Comparative Features of Styles of Lam
Style General geographic location Musical accompaniment
Lam Sithandone

ລຳສີທັນດອນ

Muang Khong, Pak Se khene
Lam Xom

ລຳຊອມ

Muang Khong khene
Lam Saravane

ລຳສາລະວັນ

Saravane khene[18]
Lam Phu Thai

ລຳຜູ້ໄທ

Saravane, Savannakhet area khene, drum, bird calls, sɔ̀ɔ ʔĩi
Lam Tang Vay

ລຳຕັງຫວາຍ

Bang Tang Bay, west of Savannakhet khene, drum, sing, mây pòok pɛɛk
Lam Ban Sok Ban Sok, outside of Savannakhet khene, drum, sing
Lam Khon Savan

ລຳຄອນສະຫວັນ

Savannakhet area khene, drum, sing, mây pòok pɛɛk
Lam Mahaxay

ລຳມະຫາໄຊ

Mahaxay (west of Thakhek) khene, drum, sɔ̀ɔ ʔĩi, mây pòok pɛɛk
Khap Xam Neua

ຂັບຊຳເໜຶອ

Sam Neua khene
Khap Ngum Vientiane plain khene
Khap Xieng Khouang

ຂັບຊຽງຂວາງ

Xieng Khouang khene
Aan Nang Seu

ອ່ານໜັງສື

Luang Prabang None
Khap Thum

ຂັບທຸ້ມ

Luang Prabang Orchestra[19]
Khap Salaam, Khap Saam Saaw Luang Prabang Orchestra
Khap Lohng Kohn Loht Kay Luang Prabang Orchestra
Khap Maa Nyohng Luang Prabang Orchestra

Performers

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Traditionally, young mor lam were taught by established artists, paying them for their teaching with money or in kind. The education focused on memorising the texts of the verses to be sung; these texts could be passed on orally or in writing, but they always came from a written source. Since only men had access to education, it was only men who wrote the texts. The musical education was solely by imitation. Khaen-players typically had no formal training, learning the basics of playing from friends or relatives and thereafter again relying on imitation.[20] With the decline of the traditional genres, this system has fallen into disuse; the emphasis on singing ability (or looks) is greater, while the lyrics of a brief modern song present no particular challenge of memorisation.

The social status of mor lam is ambiguous. Even in the Isan heartland, Miller notes a clear division between the attitudes of rural and urban people: the former see mor lam as "teacher, entertainer, moral force, and preserver of tradition", while the latter, "hold mawlum singers in low esteem, calling them country bumpkins, reactionaries, and relegating them to among the lower classes since they make their money by singing and dancing".[21]

Performance

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In Laos, lam may be performed standing (lam yuen) or sitting (lam nang). Northern lam is typically lam yuen and southern lam is typically lam nang. In Isan lam was traditionally performed seated, with a small audience surrounding the singer, but over the latter half of the 20th century the introduction of stages and amplification allowed a shift to standing performances in front of a larger audience.[22]

Live performances are now often large-scale events, involving several singers, a dance troupe and comedians. The dancers (or hang khreuang) in particular often wear spectacular costumes, while the singers may go through several costume changes in the course of a performance. Additionally, smaller-scale, informal performances are common at festivals, temple fairs and ceremonies such as funerals and weddings. These performances often include improvised material between songs and passages of teasing dialogue (Isan สอย, soi) between the singer and members of the audience.

Characteristics

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Music

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Lam singing is characterised by the adaptation of the vocal line to fit the tones of the words used.[23] It also features staccato articulation and rapid shifting between the limited number of notes in the scale being used, commonly delivering around four syllables per second.[24] There are two pentatonic scales, each of which roughly corresponds to intervals of a western diatonic major scale as follows:

The san and yao scales.

The actual pitches used vary according to the particular khene accompanying the singer.[25] The khene itself is played in one of six modes based on the scale being used.[26]

Because Thai and Lao do not include phonemic stress, the rhythm used in their poetry is demarcative, i.e., based on the number of syllables rather than on the number of stresses.[27] In gon verse (the most common form of traditional lam text) there are seven basic syllables in each line, divided into three and four syllable hemistiches. When combined with the musical beat, this produces a natural rhythm of four on-beat syllables, three off-beat syllables, and a final one beat rest:

The basic rhythm of traditional mor lam

In actual practice this pattern is complicated by the subdivision of beats into even or dotted two-syllable pairs and the addition of prefix syllables which occupy the rest at the end of the previous line; each line may therefore include eleven or twelve actual syllables.[28] In the modern form, there are sudden tempo changes from the slow introduction to the faster main section of the song. Almost every contemporary mor lam song features the following bassline rhythm, which is often ornamented melodically or rhythmically, such as by dividing the crotchets into quavers:

The ching normally play a syncopated rhythm on the off-beat, giving the music a characteristically quick rhythm and tinny sound.

Content

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Mor lam is traditionally sung in Lao. The subject matter varied according to the genre: love in the lam gon of Ubon; general knowledge in the lam jot of Khon Kaen; or Jataka stories in lam phun. The most common verse form was the four-line gon stanza with seven main syllables per line, although in Khon Kaen the technical subject matter led to the use of a free-form series of individual lines, called gon gap.[15] In Laos, it is the regional styles which determine the form of the text. Each style may use a metrical or a speech-rhythm form, or both; where the lines are metrical, the lam styles typically use seven syllables, as in Isan, while the khap styles use four or five syllables per line.[29] The slower pace of some Lao styles allows the singer to improvise the verse, but otherwise the text is memorised.[30]

In recent decades, the Ubon style has come to dominate lam in Isan, while the central Thai influence has led to most songs being written in a mix of Isan and Thai. Unrequited love is a prominent theme, although this is laced with a considerable amount of humour. Many songs feature a loyal boy or girl who stays at home in Isan, while his or her partner goes to work as a migrant labourer in Bangkok and finds a new, richer lover.

The gon verses in lam tang san were typically preceded by a slower, speech-rhythm introduction, which included the words o la no ("oh my dear", an exhortation to the listeners to pay attention) and often a summary of the content of the poem.[31] From this derives the groen (Thai เกริ่น) used in many modern songs: a slow, sung introduction, generally accompanied by the khene, introducing the subject of the song, and often including the o la naw. (sample) The pleng (Thai เพลง) is a sung verse, often in central Thai. (sample), while the actual lam (Thai ลำ) appears as a chorus between pleng sections. (sample)

Luca Rodrigues Marulanda

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Luca Rodrigues Marulanda nació en los barrios bajos de Río de Janeiro, en Brasil. Su infancia fue dura; rodeado de pobreza y violencia, aprendió desde pequeño que la vida no daba segundas oportunidades. Sus padres, obreros en una fábrica, apenas podían mantenerlo, y Luca tuvo que trabajar desde muy joven en la calle, vendiendo caramelos para ayudar a su familia. Pero en su interior, siempre sintió una ambición desmedida, un deseo de poder y reconocimiento que lo empujaría a vivir una vida fuera de lo común.

A los veinte años, Luca dejó Brasil con un pasaporte falso y emigró a Colombia. Allí, descubrió un mundo aún más complejo y violento que el de su infancia, pero también encontró oportunidades para alcanzar el poder. Luca comenzó a relacionarse con personas de los bajos fondos y, poco a poco, subió de posición en las redes criminales, moviéndose en círculos cada vez más oscuros. Fue entonces cuando conoció a Pablo Escobar, el famoso capo colombiano, quien quedó impresionado por la audacia de Luca y lo tomó bajo su tutela.

Durante un tiempo, Luca trabajó como mano derecha de Escobar, aprendiendo los secretos del tráfico y la política. Pero sus ambiciones no tenían límites. Años después, Luca aprovechó la caída de Escobar para iniciar su propio ascenso al poder. Con astucia, logró crear una red de influencia y apoyo en Colombia que lo llevó a convertirse en dictador. Bajo su mando, el país vivió años de represión y terror. Las personas que se oponían a su régimen desaparecían misteriosamente, y su crueldad le ganó fama de genocida.

Sin embargo, Luca no solo era un hombre de armas; tenía también una faceta inesperada: comenzó a incursionar en la industria del cine para adultos. En un giro extraño de su vida, usó el seudónimo de "El Toro de Medellín" y se convirtió en una figura controvertida en el mundo del entretenimiento adulto. Sus películas, llenas de excentricidades, causaban furor, y su fama creció aún más allá de las fronteras colombianas.

Pero, como suele ocurrir, el poder de Luca también atrajo la atención de sus enemigos. Finalmente, fue capturado en una operación internacional y extraditado a Honduras, donde fue condenado a pasar dieciséis años en una cárcel de máxima seguridad. Al principio, la vida en prisión le resultó un infierno. La libertad que siempre había disfrutado se redujo a una celda fría y oscura, y Luca comenzó a perder la esperanza.

Fue en ese ambiente hostil donde conoció a Daniela, una enfermera que trabajaba en el área de salud de la prisión. Daniela era cálida, compasiva y tenía una manera de ver el mundo que Luca nunca había conocido. A pesar de su pasado, Daniela vio algo humano en él y, poco a poco, ambos comenzaron a entablar una relación. Ella fue el único rayo de luz en la vida oscura de Luca, y por primera vez, él sintió lo que era el amor sincero.

Sin embargo, la felicidad duró poco. Las visitas de Daniela se interrumpieron cuando Luca fue trasladado a otra sección de la cárcel, y con el tiempo, las cartas que él le enviaba dejaron de recibir respuesta. La distancia rompió su corazón y lo sumió en una depresión profunda.

Tras cumplir su condena, Luca salió de la prisión convertido en un hombre cambiado. Ya no tenía el poder ni la influencia de antes, y la soledad lo acompañaba. Buscando llenar el vacío que había dejado Daniela, comenzó a frecuentar un bar en Honduras donde se vendían puros habaneros de un tal Diame Babacar, un famoso comerciante cubano. Luca, en su melancolía, encontró en los puros un consuelo, y comenzó a fumar cada día, sin descanso.

Con el tiempo, el exceso de puros le pasó factura. Sus pulmones, ya desgastados, no resistieron más, y fue diagnosticado con tuberculosis. El deterioro fue rápido, y Luca, sabiendo que sus días estaban contados, no buscó ayuda. Quizás en el fondo, ya no tenía ganas de seguir luchando. En su última noche, solo en su habitación, Luca miró al techo y pensó en Daniela, en la libertad, en las ambiciones que lo habían llevado tan lejos y, también, tan abajo.

Luca Rodrigues Marulanda falleció poco después, a causa de la tuberculosis que él mismo había provocado. En su funeral, apenas hubo unos pocos curiosos y un par de periodistas. Así terminó la vida de un hombre que había buscado todo el poder y la gloria, pero que en el final solo encontró la soledad.

Joar Moroso Peligroso

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Joar Moroso Peligroso nació en un pequeño pueblo de Zimbabue. Su madre, con apenas recursos, decidió darlo en adopción con la esperanza de que alguien le brindara un futuro mejor. A los pocos meses, fue adoptado por una pareja española del País Vasco y llevado a la ciudad costera de Hondarribia. Sus nuevos padres, Inés y Mikel, eran amables y cariñosos, emocionados por darle un hogar lleno de amor. Sin embargo, a pesar de sus esfuerzos, Joar tuvo dificultades para integrarse. La cultura, el idioma y hasta el clima le eran extraños, y los demás niños notaban en él algo diferente, algo que no podían entender.

Con el tiempo, Joar comenzó a notar que, mientras todos los niños de su clase tenían amigos, él no lograba conectar con nadie. Sentía que sus compañeros se burlaban de él, lo miraban raro, y a menudo terminaba solo en el recreo. Frustrado, Joar decidió intentar algo distinto: empezó a llevar dinero a la escuela y, a cambio de unas pocas monedas, los niños aceptaban jugar con él. Aunque no era una amistad verdadera, al menos no sentía esa soledad tan profunda. Un día, cansado de las burlas, Joar argumentó que tenía algo que los demás no: una Nintendo Switch. Ninguno de los otros niños tenía una, y por primera vez se sintió superior a ellos. Pero la alegría fue breve, pues ellos solo parecían interesarse en su consola y no en él realmente.

Ya adolescente, Joar descubrió su sexualidad y aceptó que era gay, aunque esto le trajo más inseguridades. En un pequeño pueblo, ser diferente a veces traía consecuencias difíciles. Afortunadamente, conoció a un chico que le devolvió la esperanza en el amor. Joar se enamoró perdidamente de él, pero la relación no tardó en complicarse. Su novio, temeroso de las habladurías, terminó traicionándolo con una chica. Esto destrozó a Joar, quien empezó a sentir que su vida era una cadena de decepciones.

Buscando consuelo, comenzó a involucrarse más en las actividades deportivas del instituto. El fútbol se convirtió en su válvula de escape y, gracias a su perseverancia, logró ganarse un lugar en el equipo. Pero la fortuna no parecía estar de su lado. En un partido importante, Joar sufrió una grave lesión en el ligamento cruzado que lo dejó fuera de la cancha por meses. Durante su recuperación, sus padres adoptivos estuvieron a su lado, brindándole todo el apoyo emocional posible. Sin embargo, justo cuando Joar comenzaba a retomar su vida, la tragedia golpeó de nuevo: Inés y Mikel fallecieron en un accidente automovilístico mientras regresaban de un viaje. El dolor fue indescriptible y, aunque Joar intentó mantenerse firme, sentía que cada vez había menos motivos para seguir adelante.

Después de varios años de duelo, Joar decidió llenar el vacío de su vida adoptando a un niño, tal como sus padres lo habían hecho con él. Sin embargo, su inexperiencia y su desesperación lo llevaron a cometer un error fatal. Sin saber mucho sobre cuidados infantiles, Joar alimentó al bebé solo con leche durante todo su primer año de vida, lo que provocó una desnutrición severa que terminó quitándole la vida. Devastado, Joar se sumió en una profunda depresión de la que nunca se recuperó del todo.

Intentando superar su dolor y buscar un nuevo comienzo, invirtió sus ahorros en un pequeño bar en Hondarribia. Durante un tiempo, las cosas parecían mejorar: el negocio marchaba bien, y Joar sentía que finalmente tenía algo que le pertenecía. Sin embargo, la falta de experiencia en el manejo de un negocio pronto cobró factura. Las deudas se acumularon y el bar terminó en la bancarrota, dejándolo sin hogar y con una sensación de fracaso que no podía sacudirse.

Sin dinero ni un techo, Joar comenzó a dormir en las calles. La vida se tornó dura, y la gente que lo rodeaba aprovechó su situación vulnerable. En esa época, Joar contrajo una enfermedad de transmisión sexual, que debilitó aún más su ya frágil estado de salud. Con el tiempo, la enfermedad avanzó sin tratamiento alguno, llevándolo a una muerte solitaria y trágica.

La historia de Joar Moroso Peligroso fue un recordatorio triste de los estragos de la soledad y la falta de apoyo. En su corta vida, luchó por encontrar aceptación y amor, pero el destino no fue compasivo con él. Aun así, su memoria quedó como una advertencia para aquellos que, quizás, nunca entendieron cuánto puede cambiar una palabra amable o un acto de apoyo para alguien en medio del dolor.

Mor Lam artists

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  1. Dao Bandon
  2. Pornsak Songsaeng
  3. Sommainoi Duangcharoen
  4. Siriporn Ampaipong
  5. Somjit Borthong
  6. Noknoi Uraiporn
  7. Sathit Thongjan
  8. Ki Daophet Niuhuang
  9. Jintara Poonlarp
  10. Honey Sri-Isan
  11. Man Maneewan
  12. Monkhaen Kaenkoon
  13. Maithai Huajaisilp
  14. Dueanphen Amnuaiporn
  15. Saeng-arun Bunyu
  16. Banyen Rakgan
  17. Chalermpol Malakham
  18. Poyfai Malaiporn
  19. Christy Gibson
  20. Tai Orathai
  21. Phai Phongsathon
  22. Mike Phiromphon
  23. Yinglee Srijumpol
  24. Ble Patumrach R-Siam
  25. Lamyai Haithongkham
  26. Moukdavanyh Santiphone
  27. Vieng Narumon
  28. Danel Vasquez Contreras
  29. Shikhi Tumenbayar
  30. Luca Rodrigues Marulanda
  31. Aimar Rubio Urbano
  32. Ugaitz sagarzazu
  33. Koldo oskoz

See also

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References

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  1. ^ a b c Miller, T. E. (2000). p. 184.
  2. ^ Terry E. Miller, Traditional Music of the Lao p. 295.
  3. ^ Drahmoune, Fabian (20 March 2020). "The Soul of Molam (1)—Isaan's folk music from state censorship to rising global fame". The Isaan Record. Retrieved 27 March 2020.
  4. ^ Miller pp. 38–39.
  5. ^ a b Miller p. 40.
  6. ^ Miller p. 56.
  7. ^ Kerdviboon, Yodsapon (24 March 2020). "The Soul of Molam (5)—Luk Thung Molam: From the Rice Fields to the City and back". The Isaan Record. Retrieved 27 March 2020.
  8. ^ "Mor lam - Creedopedia". www.creedopedia.com. Archived from the original on 6 May 2010. Retrieved 14 January 2022.
  9. ^ Prayut Wannaudom, The Collision between Local Performing Arts and Global Communication, in case Mawlum Archived 2005-03-21 at the Wayback Machine
  10. ^ Phādāēng Nāng Ai
  11. ^ Charles F. Keyes (Keyes at u.washington.edu): Southeast Asian Studies, Vol 11, No. 4, March 1974, page 498, A Note on the Ancient Towns and Cities of Northeastern Thailand Archived 2020-06-16 at the Wayback Machine.
  12. ^ Garland Encyclopedia of World Music, p. 329.
  13. ^ Miller p. 24.
  14. ^ a b Garland p. 328.
  15. ^ a b Miller p. 133.
  16. ^ Garland p. 341.
  17. ^ Garland pp. 341–352.
  18. ^ Also some performances have drums, the small cymbals (sing), and the wooden rhythm instrument (mây pòok pɛɛk); other performances have khene and a two-stringed violin (sɔ̀ɔ ʔĩi).
  19. ^ Orchestras (pii phaat) consist of the flute (pii), wooden xylophone (naang naat), small cymbals (sing), two high-pitched, two-stringed violins (sɔ̀ɔ ʔĩi), and two low-pitched, two-stringed violins (sɔ̀ɔ ʔɔɔ).
  20. ^ Miller pp. 43–46.
  21. ^ Miller p. 61.
  22. ^ Miller p. 42.
  23. ^ Miller p. 23.
  24. ^ Miller p. 142.
  25. ^ Garland p. 322.
  26. ^ Garland p. 323
  27. ^ James N Mosel, Sound and Rhythm in Thai and English Verse, Pasa lae Nangsue. Bangkok (1959). p. 31–32.
  28. ^ Miller p. 104.
  29. ^ Garland p. 340.
  30. ^ Garland p. 342.
  31. ^ Miller p. 107.

Sources

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